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| Traumatized Adjudicated
and At-Risk Children: PREFACE by William Steele Research indicates that millions of American children are exposed each year to traumatic maltreatment with approximately 30% of these children developing Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) as a result of their victimization. Symptoms of PTSD can have devastating consequences to a child’s ability to learn and adapt to healthy, appropriate patterns of social interaction. Recent research indicates that juvenile offenders are a population which appears to have a high incident of PTSD. Unfortunately, efforts by the juvenile court systems to remediate the delinquent behavior of these youths have largely overlooked trauma specific intervention for this population group. However, Jacquelyn Jacobs, Certified TLC Trauma Specialist/Consultant Supervisor, recent introduction of the Structured Sensory Intervention for Traumatized Children, Adolescents and Parents (SITCAP) (Steele & Raider, 2001) into three juvenile court systems in Georgia appears to have very promising results as a remediation tool for juvenile offenders. This paper presents a summary review of preliminary outcomes following the application of TLC’s Structured Sensory Intervention for Traumatized Children, Adolescents and Parents – Adjudicated and At-Risk Children adjusted program (SITCAP-ARC). The ARC version of SITCAP goes beyond the sole use of cognitive behavioral treatment (CBT). Research substantially documents, in fact, that children “frozen” in trauma have difficulty accessing and using primary cognitive functions i0nvolving the processing of information, “making sense” of one’s experience, and identification and verbal expression of their emotions, memory, the ability to attend and focus and retain information. ARC integrates cognitive strategies with “sensory”, “implicit” strategies. It pursues the successful cognitive re-ordering of traumatic experiences by victims in ways they can better manage, in ways that move them from victim to survivor thinking and in ways that allow them to become more resilient to future traumas. A brief discussion of what we mean by “sensory”, “implicit” interventions is appropriate to understanding the focus of ARC. Research supports that children exposed to violence are at a greater risk for cognitive dysfunctions. The ability to attend, focus, retain and recall which are primary learning functions begins to diminish. The ability to process verbal information, identify and verbalize internal emotional experiences also suffer and negatively weaken a child's ability to communicate to others in a way that allows others to be helpful. (Steele 2003; Steele and Raider 2001; VanDalen 2001; Perry, 2000; Morse and Wiley, 1997). In short it becomes difficult to help traumatized children using traditional cognitive processes. If one understands the state of arousal, the term used to identify the neurophysiological responses to trauma, one understands that a traumatized child's predominant processes will be in the sub cortical and limbic areas of the brain which deal with non-verbal information (Perry, 2000), not the neocortex area of the brain that involves reasoning, linear thinking, analysis, the ability to make sense of one's experience and to reorder that experience, when needed, in ways that are manageable. The child who is lingering or frozen in a state of arousal due to past or current trauma simply has difficulty reassigning or thinking things through (Roemer and Lebowitz, 1998). These cognitive deficiencies, therefore, dictate the need for non-cognitive approaches to help children overcome or minimize the learning, emotional and behavioral problems they can experience due to failing cognitive processes resources resulting from traumatic arousal. To define an alternative to traditional cognitive approaches, we need to delineate between “explicit” and ‘implicit” memory processes. Memory has two functions “implicit” and “explicit”. Explicit memory sometimes referred to as “declarative” memory refers to primary cognitive processes. In “explicit” memory we have access to language. We have words to describe what it is we are thinking and feeling. Explicit memory allows us to process information, to reason, to make sense of our experiences. Such cognitive processes help us cope. Unfortunately, unless trained by the military or law enforcement to respond cognitively to threatening situations, the majority of children, even adults are going to respond or experience a trauma in "implicit" memory. In "implicit" memory there is no language. There simply are no words to describe or communicate what is being experienced. Position Emission Tomography or PET scans have found that trauma also creates changes in the Broca's area of the brain that lead to difficulties in identifying and verbalizing our experiences (Van Dalen, 2001), a process normally accessible via explicit memory processes. In implicit memory our senses contain the memory - what we see, what we hear, sensations of smell, touch and taste become the “implicit” containers of that experience (Rothchild, 2000). If there is no language in “implicit” memory to help verbalize what that experience is like, how then is it defined and explained? It is defined through an implicit process referred to as "iconic symbolization" (Michaesu and Baettig, 1996). Iconic symbolization is the process of giving our experience a visual identity. Images are created to contain all the elements of that experience - what happened, our emotional reactions to it, the horror and terror of the experience. The trauma experience therefore is more easily communicated through imagery. “When a terrifying incident such as trauma is experienced and does not fit into a contextual memory, a new memory or dissociation is established” (van der Kolk, 1987, p. 289). When memory cannot be linked linguistically in a contextual framework, it remains at a symbolic level for which there are no words to describe it. To retrieve that memory so it can be encoded, given a language, and then integrated into consciousness , it must be retrieved and externalized in its symbolic perceptual (iconic) form (Steele, 2003). In order to access this experience we must therefore use "sensory" interventions that allow children the opportunity to actually make us witnesses to their experiences, to present us with their "iconic" representations, to give us the opportunity to see what they are now seeing as they look at themselves and the world around them following their exposure to a traumatic experience. In this sense “a picture is worth a thousand words”. Drawings provide a representation of those “iconic” symbols that implicitly define what that experience was like for the child. When one understands trauma as an "implicit" experience versus an "explicit" (cognitive) experience, it follows that drawing becomes an effective almost necessary avenue to help children release the horrid, terror filled "iconic" memories of their traumatic experiences. Bryers (1996) cited numerous studies that illustrated the use of drawing to help children access those traumatic memories and channel them into a trauma narrative which could then be reworked explicitly (cognitively) in ways that became manageable for them. Magwaza, Killian, Peterson and Pillay (1993) achieved similar results with South African children exposed to community violence. Following 9/11, The World Trade Center Children's Mural Project was unveiled in March 19, 2002 and depicted over 3,100 portraits drawn by children. This drawing project "served to lessen feelings of isolation and helplessness felt among those children who had difficulty understanding (cognitively) the complexity of this tragedy (Berberian, Bryant and Landsberg, 2003)." These children could not “explicitly” communicate the many ways 9/11 impacted them but they could “implicitly” define it through then self-portraits. Drawing is by no means a new vehicle for self-expression. Machooen (1949) many years ago noted the fact that the most expressive part of the body and the center of communication is one’s face. Saigh (1999) suggested, "children prepare sketches of their stressful experience and verbally repeat (narrate) the content of their experience" (p. 370). Drawing does provide children with a focal point and an impetus to tell their story and to thereafter translate their experience into a narrative (Malchiodi, 1998). Riley (1997) indicated that the act of drawing is a form of externalization, a way for the child to put the experience outside themselves to make it real and concrete. Drawing is a way for that child to allow us to become a witness to what that experience was like by giving us a visual representation of the way they see it (Steele, 2003). Gil (2003) wrote when children draw, they do so on paper of specific physical dimensions with set boundaries. Once the images are placed on the space on the paper the child has in essence contained what might otherwise feel staggering. What might be experienced as disorganized or chaotic may then take on qualities of something that is manageable. Random thoughts and feelings might render children overstimulated and confused. Thoughts and feelings “shrunk down” enough to appear within specified dimensions may give children a sense of control (p. 156). Drawings help children (Steele and Raider, 2001):
However, to be helpful and safe, drawing activities must be structured and
focused on the specific themes (experiences) of trauma such as, terror, hurt,
worry,
anger, and accountability. The telling of the story, must be guarded by trauma
specific questions that again helps the child stay focused on the “themes” of
experience. Once the child can put a story to his experience, the entire experience
can then be encoded by “explicit” memory and thereafter reordered
in ways the child can now manage, in ways that no longer trigger the fear,
terror, worry, hurt, the absence of a sense of safety, the sense of being powerless.
Once this is accomplished trauma symptoms begin to diminish (Steele and Raider,
2001; Malchiodi, 2003).
Problem Identification I have spent the great
majority of my life in the service of children who seriously struggle
with the ability to learn,
to engage in socially acceptable behavior
and to feel good about who they are in this world. Unfortunately, my involvement
with many of these children has come as a result of my behavior intervention
work with the juvenile court system. One of the things that I have found
to be common among a high percentage of these delinquent and at risk
youths is the
role that trauma has played in their lives. For many of these youths, their
trauma experience goes beyond exposure to a single incident. Too often
you find within
the juvenile court system children who have experience repeated, prolonged
abuse and/or multiple and varied incidents of traumatic exposure. Therefore,
among
this population, you will find children who not only meet the criteria for
posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or Type I trauma (Terr, 1990) i.e.
exposure to a single
event but, as a result of their multiple traumatic exposure and/or repeated,
prolonged exposure to a situation such as abuse, they may more specifically
meet the criteria for Complex Cumulative Trauma Disorder (CTD) or Disorder
of Extreme
Stress Not Otherwise Specified [DESNOS] which are referred to as Type II
and Type III trauma (Rothschild, 2000). The Need As a behavioral consultant to a number of juvenile court judges,
it has been my role to consult on the intervention program that would
best
serve the
remediation of the child’s behavior. A common intervention which I
had routinely suggested for many of these delinquent youths is cognitive-behavioral
counseling.
However,
for a significant number of these children, we were finding that the traditional
counseling approach and other court provided intervention programs such as
anger management were not bringing about the behavior remediation we were
expecting. It was not until I began attending the trauma workshops provided
by the National
Institute for Trauma and Loss in Children (TLC), that I realized that many
of
my delinquent youth clients might benefit from a trauma specific sensory
intervention approach as a pre-requisite to the traditional cognitive-behavioral
therapy
I had been recommending. Preliminary Evaluation Armed with this information about trauma and its impact
on behavior and learning as well as my initial TLC trauma training
in the TLC Structured
Sensory Short
Term Trauma programs, I made a proposal two years ago to Judge Russell
Jackson of the Forsyth County Juvenile Court in Cumming, Georgia that we
conduct
a very small, informal trial to determine if TLC’s Structured
Sensory Intervention for Traumatized Children, Adolescents and Parents
(SITCAP) (Steele & Raider,
2001), would prove beneficial in addressing the needs of the traumatized
adolescents brought before Judge Jackson’s juvenile court. This initial
trial consisted of five youths under the juvenile court system having both
behavioral and
academic problems. Each child was provided with individual intervention
utilizing the
SITCAP program for adolescents. What we found in this initial study, although
we would not expect 100% success on a consistent basis, was that all five
youths improved both in their behavior and academics and reported that
they felt much
better after completing the trauma program. (Data on subsequent pages is
based on interventions with 85 youth). Educational Component It is also of value to
mention that, participants consistently report that the trauma educational
component, which is designed
into all TLC
trauma
programs, has been extremely helpful and encouraging to them. A key reason
for this
is
that many of the adjudicated youth come to the SITCAP-ARC program with
a belief that they lack intelligence because of the historical difficulty
they
tend to
have with their academic progress. Many of these juvenile offenders also
have a belief, because of the long term nature of their trauma reactions,
that they
have a mental illness which they have no chance of escaping. Without the
understanding of the role that trauma has played in their learning and
cognitive abilities,
these children are left to adopt these negative beliefs which can have
a devastating impact on their self-esteem and sense of motivation. References
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About the Author Jacquelyn Jacobs
is a Behavior Intervention Consultant and Certified TLC Trauma Specialist/Consultant
Supervisor pursuing her PhD in Psychology from Northcentral University,
Arizona. She has earned a M.Ed degree in Behavior and Learning Disorders
and a B.S. Degree in Psychology from Georgia State University. In addition,
she has a M.Ed. in Educational Leadership from the University of Georgia
and received her Advanced Level Trauma Consultant Supervisor Certification
from the National Institute for Trauma and Loss in Children (TLC) located
in Grosse Pointe Woods, Michigan. |
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